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battle analysis artilery
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Accounts of Attila Works Cited Missing In Priscus’ 449 account, Attila behaves as a leader who does not merely rival the Roman Emperor, but is in fact superior to the Emperor. Furthermore, he exhibits both Roman and barbarian traits. In addition, Priscus does not use the same vocabulary as utilized in the “Anonyomus Account” to describe Attila. That is, Attila is not depicted as a brutal barbarian warlord or a savage pagan; rather, he is depicted as a leader who is familiar with Roman customs, in possession of luxuries similar to those of Rome, and skilled at political intrigue and manipulation. Priscus’ account is similar to Prosper’s account as it seems to be relatively objective and merely explains the events that transpired (outside of Priscus’ obvious bias, as he was a civil servant and championed the promotion of the Roman systems of law, taxation, and self defense to the Greek Scythian – Priscus, 204). Additionally, Jordanes’ account is similar to the “Anonyomus Account” because they are both subjective (i.e., Jordanes depicts Attila favorably; while he is apparently held in ill favor by the author of the “Anonyomus Account”). Moreover, all four sources have one theme in common: Attila was perceived to be a legitimate threat to Rome. Attila’s treatment of the Roman embassies in the beginning of Priscus’ account shows that Attila was not afraid to treat the Roman delegation rudely. Indeed, he refused to meet the ambassadors himself and sent his emissaries to do so, although he knew this was not the Roman custom and his ambassadors had received proper treatment on previous occasions in Rome (Priscus, 202). Furthermore, Attila had been known to claim that, “his own subjects were generals of [Theodosius] and that his own generals were of equal worth to the Emperors of Rome” ( Priscus, 206). Thus implying that he believed he was superior to the Emperor. In addition, Attila was so bold as to demand Ambassadors with higher ranks (Priscus, 206). Attila exhibited Roman and barbarian traits. Unlike the Emperor, who led a republic, he was a barbarian king who ruled over a Monarchy. In addition, Attila differed from the Emperor since he was a warrior king who carried arms and participated in battle as evidenced by Jordanes’ description of his participation in the battle on the Catalaunian Plains (Jordanes, 101-104).
From ages past, the actions of conquerors, kings and tyrants had brought the Roman Republic to a stance that opposed any idea of a singular leader, of a single man that held total power over the entirety of the state. Their rejection of the various ruthless Etruscan rulers that had previously dictated them brought the Republic to existence in 509 BC , and as a republic their prominence throughout the provinces of the world exponentially expanded. Throughout these years, the traditions of the Romans changed to varying degrees, most noticeably as a result of the cultural influence that its subject nations had upon the republic, as well as the ever-changing nature of Roman society in relation to then-current events. However, it was not until the rise of Augustus, the first of a long line of succeeding emperors, that many core aspects of the Republic were greatly changed. These were collectively known as the “Augustan Reforms”, and consisted of largely a variety of revisions to the social, religious, political, legal and administrative aspects of the republic’s infrastructure. Through Augustus, who revelled in the old traditional ways of the past, the immoral, unrestraint society that Rome was gradually falling to being was converted to a society where infidelities and corruption was harshly looked upon and judged. The Roman historian Suetonius states, “He corrected many ill practices, which, to the detriment of the public, had either survived the licentious habits of the late civil wars, or else originated in the long peace” . Through Augustus and his reforms, the Republic was transformed into an Empire, and through this transformation, Rome experienced one of its greatest and stabl...
Sulla’s earlier career had not been that of an orthodox Optimate. Though he belonged to an old patrician family, it had long slid into obscurity and poverty. Plutarch suggests that a legacy from his step-mother and another from a mistress helped him, somewhat late, to a public career (Plutarch, p. 327). Plutarch was a Greek historian who wrote more than a century after Sulla’s death. Some of his pieces are polemical, that is, his writings possibly arise from scurrilous tracts, written by political adversaries of his subjects. As Marius’ quaestor, he had captured Jugurtha and won the loyalty of his fellow soldiers, sparking a later brutal animosity between the pair. This talent for winning the loyalty of soldiers never deserted Sulla, and that fact would have terrible consequences for Rome (Williams, p.139).
“This account I have given the reader, not so much with the intention of commending the Romans, as of comforting those that have been conquered by them, and for the deterring others from attempting innovations under their government. This discourse of the Roman military conduct may also perhaps be of use to such of the curious as are ignorant of it, and yet have a mind to know it.” –excerpt from “Description of the Roman Army,” by Josephus
The Romans power and administration was structured differently from that of the Han emperor. The Romans power was developed through envisaging of
In contrast to the publicity spin of today’s tabloids, ‘losers attract notoriety,’ (Fear, 2008, p, 6) Roman society was no different with one’s reputation of paramount importance and continually defended. Antony and Cleopatra’s union was ammunition for Octavian and propaganda used against the couple in their pursuing battle of Actium. (Fear, 2008, p.7.)
One of the more unique chapters in the book was when Roberts was explaining Attila's delegation techniques. Roberts claims that this was one of the main reasons Attila was so successful. In the introduction of the book Roberts explains that Attila went to Rome to study under their king and while he was there he learned many successful techniques that he was going to install in the Huns. Delegation was one of these techniques that Attila had learned while in Rome.
Trajan was always involved in the military and was considered a great general. While he was in power he had a mass conquest and denied the policy set by augustus to not expand the empire. In his first conquest he went east to conquer
In looking at the late Roman Republic, one can find many different accounts on how politics worked in Rome. One of these accounts by Polybius gives us a sense of the way politics worked in Rome. Polybius believed, “in all politics, we observe two sources of decay existing from natural causes, the one external, the other internal and self produced” (Polybius 506). The second account by Cicero gives us a framework of how Roman politics play out, stating “The canvass for office resolved itself into an activity of two kinds, of which one is concerned with the loyalty of friends, the other with the feelings of the people” (Cicero 37). By examining these two different views of Roman politics: Polybius’ The Histories of
The Official Truth – Propoganda in the Roman Empire . (n.d.). BBC News. Retrieved March 28, 2014, from http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans/romanpropaganda_article_01.shtml
Horatius Cocles demonstrates Roman values with his readiness to assert himself for the good of the community despite any ramifications. He even attempts to advise his men in the direction of virtue by claiming “that it was vain for them to seek safety” (Livy, 20). These men appear to follow standards typical of the Greeks, as their personal motives guide their actions instead of the needs of others. Their lack of concern for the entire state of the Republic is an example of what individuals were not to do. The success of the individual, in this case Horatius, is a victory in Rome, which contrasts the idea of individual arete, valued by the Greeks. The greatest honor for a Roman was saving the life of another Roman whereas in Greek culture, an individual displays excellence in competition (Burger 91). For the Greeks, an individual may achieve honor at the cost of defeating another. In contrast, Romans sought to achieve honor by protecting what was best for all. Therefore, Romans valued self sacrifice while Greeks appear more self-centered (Burger 91). Horatius Cocles demonstrates the values of the Roman society in his steadfast opposition to the enemy. He is a model to the state for his courage in adversity.
3. I often waged war, civil and foreign, on the earth and sea, in the whole wide world, and as victor I spared all the citizens who sought pardon. As for foreign nations, those which I was able to safely forgive, I preferred to preserve than to destroy. About five hundred thousand Roman citizens were sworn to me. I led something more than three hundred thousand of them into colonies and I returned them to their cities, after their stipend had been earned, and I assigned all of them fields or gave them money for their military service. I captured six hundred ships in addition to those smaller than triremes.
In Titus Livius’, The Early History of Rome, Livy takes on the task of documenting Rome’s early history and some of the famous individuals who help contribute to the ‘greatness’ of Rome. Livy dedicates an entire portion of his writing to describe the reigns of the first seven kings of Rome; all who influence the formation and governance of Rome in some way. However, of the seven kings in early Roman history, King Romulus and King Numa Pompilius achieved godlike worship and high esteem from their fellow Romans. While both highly important and respected figures in Rome’s history, the personalities and achievements of King Romulus and King Numa Pompilius are complete opposites of one another. Despite the differences found in each king and of their rule over Rome, both Romulus and Numa Pompilius have a tremendous influence in the prosperity and expansion of Rome in its early days.
Tacitus tells us in the introduction to his Annales that his intent is to “relate a little about Augustus, Tiberius, et cetera” and to in fact do so “sine ira et studio” -- without bitterness or bias.1 Experience, however, tells us that this aim is rarely executed, and that we must be all the more suspicious when it is stated outright. Throughout the Annales, Tacitus rather gives the impression that his lack of bias is evidenced by his evenhanded application of bitterness to all his subjects. But is this really the case? While Tacitus tends to apply his sarcastic wit universally – to barbarian and Roman alike – this is not necessarily evidence of lack of bias. Taking the destruction of Mona and Boudicca's revolt (roughly 14.28-37) as a case study, it is evident that through epic allusion, deliberate diction, and careful choice of episodes related, Tacitus reveals his opinion that the Roman war machine first makes rebels by unjust governance, and then punishes them.
The books of I and II Thessalonians, which are in the New Testament, are both letters to a church that Paul the apostle helped establish in the city of Thessalonica. First Thessalonians is agreed by biblical scholars to be written by Paul. The author of II Thessalonians, however, is still being debated about.
The political system of both Roman empires was based on virtue and the republic was founded with the Senate as the center. The magistrates were elected annually and also had control of the armies. The key to Roman superiority was the patriotism and training and drills.