Criticism is not only difficult to receive, but is often unsolicited. Self-criticism can be even more difficult, but it can be highly revealing of one’s own flaws. Governments, especially those controlled by a bureaucratic-authoritarian state, will often view criticism of the state as a direct threat to their rule. In Cuba, as well as much of Latin America, filmmakers such as Tomas Guiterrez Alea found themselves drawn to the problems of neocolonialism and cultural identity. From this collective movement, the New Latin American Cinema emerged. Alea, a self-proclaimed loyalist, produced films centered on the flaws of the Cuban political bureaucracy and society inviting his audience to become actors of social change. Although a bankrupt and dour political system maintained a grip on Cuba following the termination of Soviet aid in the 1990s, films such as Guantanamera did not show these issues to be insurmountable; instead they revealed that Cubans, as individuals, could find solutions to problems created by the state.
Cubans have sought to control their own destiny for over a century. As Spanish power continued to dwindle in the nineteenth century, many of its subjects in the New World began to demand greater control over their own future. For these future liberty combatants, the ruling elite of Spain seemed to promise only a continued future of decadence and economic decline. Cuba, ever the crown jewel of the Spanish empire, proved to be no exception to this line of thought. In the 1890s, with military aid from the United States, Cuba won its independence from Spain, but it had yet to gain complete control over its own destiny. It appeared too many Cubans as if they had only replaced one master with another, Spain for the United ...
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...hooses to become a truck driver despite having been educated to be an engineer. Though the Cuba government funds high successful education and healthcare programs, Castro and his regime are unable to provide the amount of degree-specific jobs that pay well. Thus, Mariano takes a job that does not require his level of education, but it pays well.
From the start of the film to the very end, Adolfo’s money saving scheme is an apparent failure. While this may be a criticism of state policies, criticism can also be extended to the U.S. embargo placed on Cuba. For the Communist regime, it has acted as a continual source of blame for Cuba’s problems. With Soviet support gone, many in Cuba believed that the Communist regime would end as well in the 1990s. To the surprise of many though, the regime has survived despite intense problems and limited choices for its citizens.
The exodus of the majority of skilled workers brought about a rapid change in the methods employed in educating Cuba’s population. If the revolution was to be successful, Cuba needed to replace the skilled workers that left with other skilled workers in the shortest amount of time possible. In 1961, the revolutionary government developed a nationwide campaign to rid Cuba of illiteracy. The program was given slogans like “ The people should teach the people and If you don’t know learn; if you know teach”. This program consisted of volunteer teachers who would help illiterate Cubans increase their education by teaching them the fundamentals. According to Fitzgerald, “(The literacy campaign) helped to integrate town and county and to galvanize support for revolutionary goals by bringing urban and rural populations into direct contact. ( p. 41)” Also, according to Fitzgerald, “ Enrollment in adult education rose dramatically from 66,577 students in the 1960-1961 school year to a peak of 842,024 students in the 1964-1965 school year, but plummeted to 309,717 students in 1969-1970. (P. 42)” This program benefited the poorer citizens of Cuba who remained in Cuba. They w...
On July 26, 1953, the war for Cuba’s independence began, and for 6 years many Cubans fought for their freedom. The most famous of these revolutionary icons being Fidel Castro, who led the main resistance against the Cuban government. On January 1, 1959, Fidel Castro and the rest of the Cuban's succeeded. This revolutionary war went on to affect the entire world and Eric Selbin believes it is still affecting it. Throughout Eric Selbin's article, Conjugating the Cuban Revolution, he firmly states that the Cuban revolution is important in the past, present, and future. Selbin, however, is wrong.
When we think about society, there is often a stark contrast between the controversy projected in the media that our society faces, and the mellow, safe view we have of our own smaller, more tangible, ‘local’ society. This leads us to believe that our way of life is protected, and our rights secured by that concept of society that has been fabricated and built upon. However, what if society were not what we perceive it to be, and the government chose to exercise its power in an oppressive manner? As a society we would like to think that we are above such cruelty, yet as The Lonely Crossing of Juan Cabrera by J. Joaquin Fraxedas recounts the state of Cuba in the 1990’s, we must also remember that all societies and governments view the individual differently as opposed to the whole. Each group has unique expectations that are enforced upon the individual which extend beyond those expectations that are written. What this book brings to light is the extraordinary repercussions of refusing to meet the demands and expectations of those that lead our governments. When we veer from the path well-trodden and into the ‘wild’ as Juan did, we may not face death quite as often, but the possibility of those we once called our own, persecuting us for our choices is a true and often an incredibly frightening danger.
Long before our involvement, the Cubans had been leading revolts and revolutions against Spain. The Spanish empire considered Cuba to be its jewel, not only for its beauty but also for its economics. Cuba’s main source of income was from its expansive sugar plantations that greatly contributed to its wealth (more so to the Spanish Empires wealth). Ironically, even due to the high regard to Cuba, it was neglected and oppressed, as the Spanish Empire began its decline in the middle of the nineteenth century. The Empire was falling due to it slowly loosing its control over its territories, closer to the US then to Spain, because of a lack of industrializing. The Spanish would claim ownership, but never contribute back to their land. This opened the door for what is known as the 10-year war and the struggle for Cuban Independence. The United States never got directly involved, but it sympathized greatly with the Cuban’s cause, for ...
Economically, Cubans “enjoyed one of the one of the highest standards of living in Latin America” (34). This is predominately due to the fact that Cuba exported half its sugar and two-thirds of it total exports into the U.S., and imported three-fourths of their total imports from the U.S. Although the U.S. (35). Although the U.S. boosted the Cuban economy, Cubans resented that they were still living at an economic level lower than Americans. The average Cuban income was one- third the average of Mississippi, the poorest state in the U.S. in th...
In 1961, Fidel Castro, Cuba’s dictator, introduced the Marxist-Leninist ideology to the Cuban people, “by grafting it onto the images, symbols, values, and concepts of Cuban nationalism” (Medin 53). This ideology was promoted through what Medin describes as a world where there are no "in-betweens," but instead only "good and evil", and any straying from that perceived norm was seen as counter-revolutionary and must be removed so they wouldn’t corrupt the process of developing a “homogenous revolutionary social consciousness” (Morales-Diaz 1). “The notion of ‘counter-revolutionaries’ and the connection to capitalist nations epitomizes the revolutionary government's contempt for anyone who is not on the side of the communist revolution" (Medin 40). In that way, Castro was creating enemies of any Cubans who weren’t up to his standards. According to Arenas, this new idea of unifying Cuba came at the expense of the persecution of a large segment of the population an...
In the long and turbulent history between Cuba and the United States, it can well be argued that Cuba did not turn out quite like its other Latin American peers. Things seemed to be on the right track in the early 1900’s, when it appeared that Cuba was destined for a future of “independence”, like its neighbour Puerto Rico and it was yet another South American nation rife with the now atypical blend of affluent American investors and poor workers usually native to the land herself. However, following a coup d’état that saw the fall of the American-backed Fulgencio Batista in favour of his social antithesis in communist Fidel Castro, the situation rapidly turned sour. The American government, finding themselves backed into a corner and unable to mold Cuba in its golden image, decided that it would be pertinent to sever all trade with Cuba.
There may be some question over Fidel Castro’s achievements in providing economic success, or democracy to Cuba in the last forty five years or so. However Cuba’s record on providing egalitarian health care and education to the masses have generally been agreed as a success story, even by Castro’s old enemy the United States. “To be educated is to be free,” (Marti in Marshall, 1987, p146) has become one of the more popular revolutionary slogans and has been greatly adhered to by Castro’s government. While health care is articulated in the 1975 Cuban constitution as being “the right of all and the responsibility of the state” (Feinsilver, 1993, p26). The social political stance of Castro’s government has been the driving force behind the success in health care and education. Issues such as housing, employment, health care and education are viewed as a basic human right and are in theory guaranteed by the state to all. In Cuba, health care indicators are also seen as a measure of the government’s efficiency and performance. Other socialist states that have come and gone over the last century have also professed to put these issues at the forefront of priority. States such as Russia and China have to a lesser or greater degree failed to provide the standard of services provided in Cuba. “Until 1969 China’s health care system served only the urban population, which represented about 15 percent of the total population” (Feinsilver, 1993, p2). There are certainly factors that make this comparison unfair but Cuba’s achievements in providing these social services are still quite remarkable given its economic position. By truly placing education and healthcare as one of the fundamental priorities of the revolution, and developing specific programs and initiatives to deal with these two social issues, Cuba managed to succeeded where others more wealthy nations failed. The use of popular participation and central government control also were powerful tools in implementing these social policies. It would now be useful to look at some of these initiatives that have been taken by the Cuban government that enabled it to equal if no surpass education and health standards in many developed countries.
The measures taken by Castro and explicitly stated by him at his trial in 1954, from the very beginning of his anti-Batista movement illustrate his initial desires to reform Cuba and ultimately increase its standard of living. Different understandings can be perceived by reading various books and documents that focus on the political changes shaping Cuba’s modern-day society. Each illustrates different aspects of the insurrection while simultaneously giving the reader an accurate depiction of the historical occurrences. Authors Perez-Stable and Patterson focus on the turbulent circumstances that lead Cuba through the various leaders, each with his own agenda trying to better the lives of Cuban citizens. In the speech given by Castro at his own trial entitled, "History Will Absolve Me", Castro outlines the ideologies and beliefs that justify his reasons for initiating his revolutionary movement against Fulgencio Batista. The document of the "Program Manifesto of the 26th of July Movement", gives a first-hand understanding of what Castro and his group of supporters were going to fight to achieve through a Revolution. Finally, one can understand the tribulations that these men overcame when reading through Guevara’s perspective found in his chapter titled, "One Year of Armed Struggle". By understanding how Castro’s movement began and how it evolved, one can note the key components of the changes and reforms being demanded of the Cuban government during the 1950’s.
Fidel Castro was an illegitimate child of the upper middle class in Cuba. He was the son of the family maid and his father, who happened to be a wealthy farmer and landowner. Castro was highly educated for the twentieth century in Cuba, earning a Doctorate in Law. However his success in life did not come to him as a lawyer, but as a ruthless politician and revolutionary. When dictator, Fulgencio Batista was overthrown during the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Fidel Castro boldly took on the role of leader over Cuba, broke away from the domination of the United States, and put Cuba’s economy in the hands of the Soviet Union. According to Charlip, “Castro visualized a reformed Cuba, with agricultural cooperatives, industry, education and healthcare
The specter of colonial repression, imposed by the institutions of slavery and the plantation system, has incessantly haunted Cuban society, culture, politics, and ideology. The legacies of slavery and the plantation system imposed a structural and systematic practice of racial discrimination against Afro-Cubans, which suppressed any ambition for the pursuit of liberty and equality. Despite Cuba’s abolition of slavery in 1886 and its winning of independence in 1902, Afro-Cubans remained destitute, marginalized, and in the periphery of political autonomy within Cuban society. Thus, the origins of Cuba’s disdainful race relations emerge during the Spanish colonial tenure in Cuba.
This book is the second half of a larger work, Cuba: The Pursuit of Freedom. The purpose of the larger work is to give a detailed history of Cuba’s struggle for freedom, beginning in 1762. This volume starts in 1952, with Batista’s rise to power, and concludes in 1970, with the Ten Million Ton Harvest.
On this day 191 years ago John Quincy Adams expressed his prediction for the future of Cuban-American contact. The Cuban wars of independence were only 15 years away from his prediction when he estimated. These independence wars continue to influence Cuba’s cultural and political attitude toward Europe and the United States; This in part due to the externalities involved in the remodeling of social structure in the aftermath of the revolution. The intentions and motives of each faction: rebels, United States government, Spanish government, United States public, and the Cuban public, varied widely to an extend that caused even more concern in the future. Depending on the point of view of an outsider the situation in Cuba seemed to be a continuation of revolution...
When looking back at the crisis that happened in Cuba, many things can be blamed. A stance that could be ...
However the US played a much larger role in Cuba’s past and present than the building of casinos and the introduction of the first taints of corruption. In the past, even before Batista, Americans were resented by Cubans because the Americans made a lot of Cuba’s decisions. Under Batista, 80% of Cuban imports came from the US, and the US controlled at least 50% of sugar, utilities, phones and railroads. If Cuba was a business in the stock markets, then the US would have been close to owning 50% of its shares. When combined with a long history of US-backe...