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Essay on social constructivism
Essay on social constructivism
Conceptual framework of constructivism theory
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Constructivism
Alexander Wendt in his work entitled Social Theory of International Politics (1999) explain the basic propositions of constructivism, arguing that “structures of human association are determined primarily by shared ideas rather than material forces; thus, identities and interests of purposive actors are constructed by these shared ideas rather than given by nature” (Palan, 2000, p. 576). As such, these shared ideas construct identities and interests. In this regard, Wendt supports Thucydides who explains how language and convention form identities and enable power to be translated into influence (Lebow 2001, 547). As a result, this means that the cultures of anarchy depends on “how [actors] construe their identity in relation to others” (Zehfuss, 2001, p.318). This also means that the structure of the international system is a social phenomenon, not merely a material phenomenon because (Hinnebusch, 2003), as stated above, “the character of international life is determined by the beliefs and expectations” that are constructed mostly by social structure “rather than material structures," (Wendt, 1999). As such, interaction between the actors is structured by the embedded norms of the system.
As for interest, constructivism argues that, “interests presuppose identities because an actor cannot know what it wants until it knows who it is” (Wendt 1999, p. 231). This means that the basis for interests is identities themselves (Bozdaglioglou, 2007).
Interestingly, constructivist theory on risk also says similar thing to the aforementioned international relations theory. Constructivism argues that risk knowledge is not free at all from the socio-cultural contexts in which this knowledge is created (Lupton, 1999). This ...
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Wendt, A. (1999) Social Theory of International Politics, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Zehfuss, M. (2001) Constructivism and Identity: A Dangerous Liaison. European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 7, No. 3, 2001, pp. 315-348, p. 318.
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Parfit readily admits that the idea that we can retain all that matters without identity is a counter-intuitive one. However, I believe that it stands up well to criticism and that it appears to have significant positive implications for morality and responsibility. In undermining the importance of identity, Parfit also attacks self-interested principles:
Issues of ideology and power are remained deeply embedded when dealing with democracy. In International Relations, cultural relativists determine whether an action is right or wrong by evaluating it according to the ethical standards of the society within which the action occurs. . This is particularly so where culture is linked to particular state or regional interests. Relativism has become a complimentary to constructivism since these two concepts are philosophically related. Constructivism and cultural relativism are products of man’s mind. According to both, there are no absolute truths that can really answer the central questions in this thesis since the case itself is about culture, values, and ideology. Furthermore,
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...ialogue are enveloped in the great ‘ism’ constructs for which this extremely modern political theory is known (Hughes, Chp.3). And as the Constructivist sees social groups interacting within the world, he contributes to our understanding of the groups through the invention of identity. The Constructivists label groups of people with common interests and gives words with which to speak of rising ideas and philosophies.
Generally culture and self-identities are the first and by far one of the most important aspects that people consider in their lives as they bring meaning to them. People seek to know who they are, where they are coming from and also where they are going. However Huntington said that the very same cultural identities are the primary source of conflict within civilisations. He further says that within people’s journeys of seeking their cultural identities they encounter new but often old identities. In other words they are then marching under new but old flags which then eventually lead to war with their new but old enemies (Huntington, 1996).
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The study of international relations takes a wide range of theoretical approaches. Some emerge from within the discipline itself others have been imported, in whole or in part, from disciplines such as economics or sociology. Indeed, few social scientific theories have not been applied to the study of relations amongst nations. Many theories of international relations are internally and externally contested, and few scholars believe only in one or another. In spite of this diversity, several major schools of thought are discernable, differentiated principally by the variables they emphasize on military power, material interests, or ideological beliefs. International Relations thinking have evolved in stages that are marked by specific debates between groups of scholars. The first major debate is between utopian liberalism and realism, the second debate is on method, between traditional approaches and behavioralism. The third debate is between neorealism/neoliberalism and neo-Marxism, and an emerging fourth debate is between established traditions and post-positivist alternatives (Jackson, 2007).
Baylis, Smith and Patricia Owens. 2014. The globalization of World Politics: An introduction to international relations. London. Oxford University Press.