In the 1990s, Ana Patricia Alvarenga in “Cultura y etica de la violencia: El Salvador 1880-1932” challenged the official narrative, explaining the historical roots of violence behind the 1932 revolt. Alvarenga makes emphasis in the interaction between classes, for the first time, and the agency that Indigenous people had, like the cacicazgo. Using a little bit of Freire’s oppressor-oppressed dichotomy provides a new approach to the development of the revolt, not as a day in specific but as a historical process where the violence became institutionalized.
Hector Perez Brignoli in “Indians, communists, and peasants: the 1932 rebellion in El Salvador”, part of Coffee, society, and power in Latin America, mentions the United States pers...
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...genous populations, proving that even a big part of the population was a victim of the violence, that does not eliminate all heritage, customs and manifestations of Indigenous Identity. The analysis also made the scholars wonder what were the reasons behind the government and powerful groups for wanting to create the idea of a mestizo country, denying the Indigenous heritage and minimizing the public demonstrations of Indian identity. Many of the unanswered questions in this article were the guides for the future work of Ching and Tilley in their individual careers.
For the 1990 the biggest breakthrough happened with an approaching change and new sources. New scholars were asking the right questions in order to understand the revolt in a deeper way, but also confront the official narrative and challenge the ulterior motives that the power elites had in this topic.
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