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“The Atlantic World was a world Europeans, Africans, and Americans “made together” –together with peoples from without.” Such is the belief of Peter Coclanis, Albert R. Newsome Professor of History and Economics and Associate Provost for International Affairs at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. In his paper: Atlantic World or Atlantic/World? published in the William and Mary Quarterly in 2006, Coclanis argues that the study of Atlantic history is too narrow. He writes in this paper that there is no context in which the Atlantic world can be completely separated from the interactions with the rest of the world. The argument Coclanis believes if one is to study Atlantic history of the early modern period (circa 1500-1800 CE) one needs to focus more on other areas, such as the countries outside the Atlantic or their trading circuits in order to fully understand the history of the Atlantic. This idea that Atlantic historians need to change their focus is contradictory to what Atlantic history is. If Atlantic historians shifted their focus to include countries not connected to the Atlantic, can it still be called Atlantic history or if one was to believe what Coclanis suggests: should historians even focus on the Atlantic world at all?
Coclanis is writing in response to his article published four years earlier entitled: Drang Nach Osten: Bernard Bailyn, the World-Island, and the Idea of Atlantic History. He writes because he believes that now he is “a bit better informed” in that his critique has become “bit more nuanced and sophisticated.” Coclanis reveals his feeling toward the study of Atlantic history by being underwhelmed and unconvinced about the arguments made the historians. He states that the “scholarshi...
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...lude outer-Atlantic areas as well. This idea is contradictory to what Atlantic historians, and arguably historians in general study. The focus of any history is to understand developments which took place in the Atlantic. To include other areas outside of the Atlantic does nothing to improve Atlantic history. In effect it does quite the opposite; it becomes world history removing the importance of the Atlantic from Atlantic history. What Coclanis argues is that for one to fully understand a history of the Atlantic one must understand what is happening simultaneously across the globe.
Works Cited
Coclanis, Peter A.. “Atlantic World or Atlantic/World?” The William and Mary Quarterly 63.4 (2006): 725-742.
Coclanis, Peter A.. “Drang Nach Osten: Bernard Bailyn, the World-Island, and the Idea of Atlantic History” Journal of World History 13.1 (2002): 169-182.
Elisabeth Gaynor, Ellis, and Anthony Esler. "The First Global Age: Europe, the Americas and Africa ." In World history connections to today. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 2003.
“The Wreck of the Sea-Venture,” written by Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker in their book Many Headed Hydra, tells the story of the shipwreck of the Sea-Venture en route to Virginia in 1669, which left the passengers of the ship stranded on Bermuda without a ship to continue the journey to Virginia. While the members of the Virginia Company made a boat to continue the journey, the remaining passengers of the Sea-Venture had to cooperate with one another in order to survive. The authors’ thesis in this document is the shipwreck of the Sea-Venture and the actions taken by the sailors portray the themes of early Atlantic settlement. For example, the sailing of the Sea-Venture was caused by expropriation. The Virginia Company advertised the New
Some of the problems when studying history are the texts and documents that have been discovered are only from perspective. Furthermore, on occasion that one perspective is all there may be for historians to study. A good example of this textual imbalance can be found from the texts about the discovery of the New World; more specifically, the letters of Christopher Columbus and Pêro Vaz de Caminha during their voyages to the New World. Plenty of the text from this time is written from the perspective of the Europeans, as the Indigenous population did not have any written text. What this means is that it provided only one perspective, which can drastically hinder how history is interpreted. Columbus’s letter of his first voyage to the Caribbean
In the mid 1400’s Spain and Portugal began to take separate routes of discovery. Prince Henry of Portugal, in reaction to the shortage of bullion in Western Europe, was interested in sending his captains to the African coast in search of gold. As a result, many Portuguese ports were established along the African coast and “The Portuguese were able to exploit at least a part of the African caravan trade they had sought.” (p.340) While Portugal was focused on expansion along the African coast; the Spanish were the first to discover the “new world” despite the lack of geographical knowledge the Spaniards and Columbus in particular possessed. This “new world” wasn’t quite what Columbus had though it was, however; as Columbus maintained to his death that he had reached Asia. He hadn’t, “He had landed at one of the Bahaman Islands, San Salvador.” (p. 342) Columbus’ distorted reality proved to...
In his short article “World History as a Way of Thinking” Eric Lane Martin, “…argue[s] that the most important things the field of world history has to offer the researcher, teacher, student, and general public are the conceptual tools required for understanding complex global processes and problems.” Anyone who follows the evening news or shops at Wal-mart, has encountered the processes and problems Martin speaks of. Our modern society puts pressure on a variety of citizens to grapple with and attempt to understand issues on a scale that moves beyond the local and national. History has long been a tool utilized by scholars, politicians and citizens to help them put current day happenings into context. That context has allowed for a deeper understanding of the present day. In an era when the issues cross national and regional boundaries the need for a different scale of history has become apparent. World history has emerged as a relatively new discipline within academia that is attempting to provide the context for large-scale processes and problems. As the field has grown a variety of authors, some historians, some from other fields, have attempted to write a history of the world. With such a daunting task how can we define success? How can we analyze the history that provides a true global perspective on processes and problems we face? By taking Martin’s two key characteristics of world history, one, it is defined by the kinds of questions it asks and two, it is defined by the problem-solving techniques it uses, we can analyze texts purporting to be world history and access their utility in providing context for the global processes and problems we face today.
It should be said that Christopher Columbus was responsible for the discovery of what he thought the new lands could provide rather than the discovery of the ‘New World’. Since most of his ventures landed him and his followers to lands that were inhabited by people, who were favorable to trade, where culture, politics, and religion had been established, his discoveries were really a way of supporting his model for self-good. I will analyze the paper by Beatriz Bodmer “Christopher Columbus and the Definition of America as Booty”, to argue that despite Columbus’s quest for discovery, he did so with preconceived ideas that he would use to his benefit of convincing others of what he discovered and how these discoveries would benefit him.
Examining primary sources can be a useful tool to provide partial insights of past events. Olaudah Equiano’s Interesting Narrative is an example of a primary source that provides insights on 18th century New World slavery. His autobiography takes the reader on a journey starting from his village in Africa through the slave trade to the West. He reveals many insights on slavery, but there are also limitations that do not provide the full picture, which is to be expected. Nevertheless, Equiano’s autobiography provides important insights on 18th century New World slavery through his experiences and the experiences of others.
...is, Elisabeth Gaynor., and Anthony Esler. World History Connections to Today. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1999. Print.
The Tempest presents the appropriation of the island and it’s inhabitants by Prospero’s imperial patriarchal regime as entirely natural and inevitable, based upon the inherent inferiority of the original population. In doing so, the play is a precise repetition of imperialist rhetoric, which legitimizes European annexation of ‘other’ lands and peoples over which they have no legitimate claim.
This week’s articles carry a couple related, if not common, themes of imagined, if not artificial, constructs of race and identity. Martha Hodes’ article, “The mercurial Nature and Abiding Power of Race: A Transnational Family Story,” offers a narrative based examination of the malleable terms on which race was defined. To accomplish this she examines the story of Eunice Connolly and her family and social life as a window into understanding the changing dimensions of race in nineteenth-century America and the Caribbean, specifically New England and Grand Cayman. While Hodes’ article examines the construction of race in the Americas, Ali A. Mazrui’s piece, “The Re-Invention of Africa: Edward Sai, V. Y. Mudimbe, and Beyond,” looks at the construction of African identity. Although different in geographic loci, the two articles similarly examine the shaping influences of race and identity and the power held in ‘the Other’ to those ends.
In her essay “Shakespeare's Tempest and the Discourse of Colonialism,” Deborah Willis argues that the play takes on a much more complex and complete identity concerning the aristocracy of colonialism, and she presents the idea that Caliban as the “other” (Willis, p.277) isn’t inherently wrong but rather misguided in readings. While her article brings up important issues concerning the reading of The Tempest, she ignores the vastness and all-consuming nature of colonialism. Her essay helped me to conclude that I perceive The Tempest as not only being solely about colonialism, but all of the issues featured in the play being tied back to colonialism, including those that Willis emphasizes aren’t as important or are ill-founded.
The patterns of living that the world witnesses today are greatly influenced by history. This is because of the fact that history plays an immense role in forming one’s future; the abundant interactions socially, economically, politically, result in repercussions that can hardly be unraveled. However, this does not in anyway mean that one cannot trace today’s state of affairs back to its roots. Tracing today’s occurrences back to their origin is possible due to the fact that the agents’ (nations) origins are known.
Skura, Meredith A. Discourse and the Individual: The Case of Colonialism in the Tempest. (1989): page 42-69. JSTOR. Web. 06 Feb 2011
colonising discourse and expanding territory. The Tempest thus incorporates concerns of the Jacobean 17th century context, used to naturalise the resolution.
Beck, Roger B. Modern World History: Patterns of Interaction. Student text and teacher’s ed. Orlando: Houghton, 2012. Print.