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chaucer canterbury tales in middle english
chaucer's life as reflected in the canterbury tales
CHAUCER: PROLOGUE TO THE CANTERBURY TALES
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Chaucer's Canterbury Tales
After reading explications of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, a student is likely to come away with the impression that the Franklin is the critics favorite punching bag. To the average reader in the modern English-speaking world, the Franklin comes across as surprisingly fair-minded and level-headed, noteworthy as the man kind and inventive enough to resolve the marriage cycle with a tale of decency and openness. The critics, however, often depict the Franklin as a man primarily concerned with upward mobility, finding in his tale a number of remarks intended to win over the nobility and subtly assert his own claim to a kind of nobility. The contrast between the fawning Franklin of certain critical approaches and the open-minded Franklin of the more pedestrian reader can probably be summed up in the word "bourgeois." Some critics find in the Franklin a good example of the less flattering qualities of the word, while modern American readers -- products of a society in which the bourgeois lifestyle is considered the norm -- tend to find in the Franklin an intelligence, style and tolerance often associated with the upwardly mobile or the middle class. His "everybody wins" approach to the problems of the romance might even be an example of what Marxists and anarchists used to decry as bourgeois liberalism.
It might be best to first clear up what exactly is meant when we speak of a Marxist critique. Marxist literary criticism is based largely on the Marxist paradigm of historical materialism: the idea that social and cultural institutions -- including art -- are the product of prevailing economic conditions (Murfin 157-158). Not only is the medium the message, Marxists argue, the medium is a commodity which...
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...served. Here, whether he likes it or not, the Franklin is forced to endorse the system of contracts which turns Dorigen into a commodity. The success of his story, and possibly the validity of the worldview which produces it, depends on the Franklin's ability to postpone the expression of his listeners doubts -- to postpone them indefinitely, if need be. Perhaps this is why the Franklin is so insistent, at tales end, on asking which character was most generous, and why he insists on hearing answers immediately. His tale of the elimination of maistrye has turned into a tale of people mastered not by each other but by a system of exchange. The best way to hide the maistrye of the marketplace is to offer the audience a chance to argue while directing them away from the shocking moment when the gentillesse of the marketplace tramples on free will and personal integrity.
Much history came within the Texas v. Johnson case. It all started during the 1984 Republican National Convention, this is where Johnson participated in a political demonstration to protest what policies Regan was administrating (Brennan 1). A march was occurring throughout the city streets, which Johnson did take part in. Johnson burned an American flag while protesters chanted him on (Brennan 1). No person was specifically injured during this protest; although, many witnesses were severely offended (Brennan 1). Johnson was convicted of Desecration of a venerated object, which violated the Texas Statue. The state court of appeals affirmed Texas Court of Criminal Appeals and reversed the case stating it was a form of expressive conduct, so it was alright (Brennan 1). In a 5 to 4 decision the Supreme Court came to the conclusion that Johnson’s burning of the flag was protected under his First Amendment rights (Brennan 1). The court also found that although witnesses may have found it offensive, does not...
Walvoord, John F., Roy B. Zuck and Dallas Theological Seminary. The Bible Knowledge Commentary: An Exposition of the Scriptures. Wheaton, IL: Victor Books, 1985.
Free speech and the First Amendment rights do not give people lisence to desecrate a symbol of pride and freedom. It is not all right to protect those who let it burn, lighting up the sky with their hatred. It definitely is not acceptable to insult the men and women who fight every day to protect this nation by burning the symbol of their labors. Therefore, it is crucial that the Supreme Court pass the amendment to the Constitution to protect the flag of the US.
The Supreme Court, 490 U.S. 397 (1989), Justice Brennan, held that: the defendant 's act of burning the American flag during a demonstration march was considered expressive conduct and was within the protection of the First Amendment, and the State could not justify the prosecution of the defendant based on the interest to preserve the American flag as a symbol of
Is there a constitutional right to burn the American flag? In Dallas, Texas there was a Republican Party for President Ronald Reagan as a re-nominated candidate for president. But the protesters were not so happy about the policies of the Reagan administration. Through the streets of Dallas protesters marched, causing damage to property. One protester named Gregory Lee Johnson doused an American Flag in kerosene and set it on fire. In Texas, desecrating an American Flag was a criminal offense. Johnson was arrested and charged with violating the Texas flag desecration law, so the U.S Supreme Court agreed to hear the case. We of the Majority opinion believe that there is a conclude that such conduct does not merit First Amendment protection also the flag itself may be used as a symbol, only in one direction which is the country, and it doesn’t matter if the flag has a deeply symbolic value.
Lawrence, Charles R., III. "The Debate over Placing Limits on Racist Speech Must Not Ignore the Damage It Does to Its Victims." (n.d.): n. pag. Print.
Can an individual be prosecuted for openly burning the American flag in a political protest? Gregory Johnson did this in a political protest outside Dallas City Hall. He was then tried and convicted of desecrating a venerated object under a Texas law (Penal Code 42.09), which states that "a person commits an offense if he intentionally or knowingly desecrates a state or national flag" (317). The question of whether this Texas law is in violation of the First Amendment, which "holds that Congress shall make no law... abridging the freedom of speech" (316), was brought before the United States Supreme Court in Texas v. Johnson (1989). A divided court ruled 5 to 4 that the Texas law was in violation of the First Amendment. Using the same Constitution, precedents, and legal standards, the Supreme Court justices came to two drastically different positions regarding the constitutionality of prohibiting flag burning. To see how such a division is possible, we are going to compare and contrast both the arguments and the methods of argumentation used by both the majority opinion (written by Associate Justice Brennan) and the dissenting opinion (written by Chief Justice Rehnquist), which critiques the majority opinion.
Abstract Several times in our nation's history, Congress has introduced a bill that would provide for banning flag desecration. Each time, however, the Supreme Court ruled that this act was protected by the First Amendment freedom of speech rights. The debate over this topic continues, with both sides arguing for "the good of the country."
The first and only time I had ever heard of someone burning the flag when I came across an article on Regory Lee Johnson. In 1984, he showed up at the Republican National Convention in Dallas, Texas and burned an American flag in order to show his knowledge of the policies of Reagan administration. At the time, he was convicted of flag desecration, but the Supreme Court overturned that decision by ruling that burning a flag was “expressive conduct within protection of the first Amendment” (Pledging allegiance). The issue of flag desecration is one that been around for a while. There are two sides to the debate: one being that the flag should be protected by law, and one being that it should not because it restricts free speech. There have been times when Congress has tried to pass laws protecting the flag, but Supreme Court as struck those laws down by deeming them as “violating the constitutional guarantee of free speech, and hence unconstitutional” (Wall, 1995). However, despite the Supreme Court’s ruling of the laws being unconstitutional, there are many advocates that are still trying to pass flag protection laws by amending the Constitution to allow it. This cannot be done. The constitution should not be amended to protect the flag because it would be a violation to our first amendment: our right to free speech.
In recent years a great deal of attention has been centered on youth violence. Numerous studies have been conducted on children of all races who are subjected to gun violence. However, violent behaviors start from within the environment where children have been exposed too. Household, poor communities and school as well have put children at risk. Yet the problems of violence relatively are increasing according to Children’s Defense fund that gets their information from the Center of Disease Control and Prevention, and other government statistics. It should be examined further since multiple acts of violent behaviors with guns continued to plague our society. In what ways can we stop gun violence from killing our children? Psychologists are interested in this question, and one answer is stop protecting firearms.
Flag burning is not right, but making it illegal takes away from the freedom of speech which turns it more into a religion than a symbol according to Mr. Levendosky. “In the following viewpoint, Levendosky argues that burning the American flag is a form of political
Flag burning is very controversial because people have different definitions of what “freedom of speech” means and what our flag stands for. This essay explores these definitions from the proponent’s viewpoint for a law protecting the flag and the opponents view point against such a law. The most debated question being asked at this time is: is flag burning protected under the First Amendment guaranteeing the freedom of speech? It all depends on how a person defines the flag and interprets the First Amendment.
More than 20,000 children and youth under the age of 20 years old are injured or killed by guns in the U.S. The easy accesses kids have to getting their hands on guns are a major reason why firearms are the second leading cause of death among the youth. The majority of deaths by guns in the youth are homicides. About one-third of them are suicides. Seven percent are unintentional. People living in urban areas such as, older teens, males, African American youth, and Hispanic youth are more likely to be involved in gun homicides. People in rural areas like males and Caucasian youth are more likely to commit suicide. There were 2,711 infant, child, and teen firearm deaths. That’s seven deaths a day.
Women usually worked as secretaries or on the assembly line because “bosses felt that young women were more diligent and easier to manage” (p. 56). Men, however, were either in a high managing position in the factory or worked in the lowest of jobs available, such as a security guard or driver. It was interesting to learn that about one-third of all of China’s migrants are women. These women go to the factory towns to work, but also, a majority of them leave their homes to see the world and experience life on their own for the first time. Chang makes a point that “to some extent, this deep-rooted sexism worked in a woman’s favor” (p. 57). The statement is supported by the idea that women are less treasured in their families; therefore, they had more freedom to do what they wanted with little care from the family. Shockingly, Chang noticed that no woman ever complained about unfair treatment. “They took all of these injustices in stride” (p.58). The women were grateful for the opportunity leave home and gain a sense of freedom; injustice was not a prominent