Merchant (2001) argues that sluicing is derived by IP-deletion from an underlying wh-construction at the level of PF (following Ross 1969), as shown in (1):
(1) a. Jack bought something, but I don’t know [CP whati [IP Jack bought ti]].
b. Jack talked to someone, but I don’t know [CP whoi [IP Jack talked to ti]].
Merchant proposes (2) to capture the parallelism between sluicing and wh-questions:
(2) Preposition-stranding generalization (PSG)
A language L will allow preposition stranding under sluicing iff L allows preposition stranding under regular wh-movement.
The PSG is demonstrated in (1b) in which the wh-sluice ‘who’ leaves a stranded preposition under sluicing, which corresponds to the fact that English is a P-stranding language. Merchant further demonstrates the descriptive power of the PSG by verifying its applicability to more than twenty languages. Examples drawn from other languages continue to confirm its validity (e.g. Almeida and Yoshida 2007, Stjepanović 2008, Rodrigues, Nevins and Vicente 2009, Van Craenenbroeck 2010). In this squib, I investigate Emirati Arabic (henceforth EA) in detail and argue that it provides cases in which the PSG can be falsified. In EA, while P-stranding is banned in wh-questions, sluicing is possible even when the underlying structure would contain a stranded preposition, e.g.:
(3) John ʃərab gahwa [wɪjja ħəd], bəs maa ʕərf [mənu
John drank coffee with someone but not 1.know who
John ʃərab gahwa [PP wɪjja ti]].
John drank coffee with
‘John drank coffee with someone, but I don’t know who.’
Potential counterexamples to PSG have been adduced from other languages, yet further analyses reveal that they do not involve P-stranding by wh-movement (e.g. Brazilian Portugue...
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Many scholars, such as Russell Tomlin and Jae Jung Song, discussed the diverse word orders of languages. Yet the fact that many languages have distinct word orders could be explained through discovering
These passages not only provide excellent examples of the distinctive features of AAVE mentioned earlier in this paper, such as using done for resultatives, consonant clusters, and substituting the /d/ for the /th/ sound, but they also demonstrate how, no matter what the social occasion, Janie does not alter her speech patterns or dialectic utterances.
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Rizzi (1997) depends on a few features, that syntactic movement is “last resort” or that it must be a necessary “quasi-morphological” requirement, and that these requirements are Criteria requirements, “the presence of a head entering into the required Spec-head configuration with the preposed phrase”. Criteria requirements, unlike feature checking, will not disappear. Finally, Rizzi must also assume within the relativized minimality theory, Empty Category Principle (ECP), and the Head Movement Constraint (HMC) and therefore head government. The rele...
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In respect to the distinction of voice, Turner uses the example of a Gullah speaker saying, “they beat him” instead of the English syntactic phrase, “he was beaten” (Turner, 209). Thus, distinctive voice is eliminated by the use of the objective case as opposed to passive verbs in English. This syntactical framework can be found in the African languages of Ewe, Yoruba, Twi, Fante, and Ga (Turner, 209). Similarly to the languages of Ewe and Yoruba, the verb /de/ is the Gullah language is used as a prepositional verb. Also, in the Gullah language verbs are often used in pairs or phrases, which is reflective of the languages of the Ewe and Twi people (Turner,
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Hence, the overall goal of this study is to investigate the Hasawi plosive phonemes and how they shape different allophones. This paper is divided into five main sections: the first section is an introduction of the topic including an overview of the dialect; the second section is a review of the literature which includes brief previous related studies; the methodology used for this study is described in the third section; the fourth section demonstrates the findings of this study; and finally the conclusion.