Introduction
American writer Gertrude Stein uses “There is no there there” in the book Everybody’s Autobiography to describe Oakland. She spent her girlhood in Oakland, but she perceived that Oakland was inauthentic. When she mentioned France, where she lived most of her life, she said: “It is not real but it is really there” (Stein 1970: 2). France is more tangible to her than her nation. What does the nation mean to Stein? What is the essence of nation? Watson posits that “a nation is a community of people, whose members are bound together by a sense of solidarity, a common culture, a national consciousness” (Watson 1997: 1). A more familiar definition was coined by Anderson: “It is an imagined political community and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign” (Anderson 1991: 6). If Anderson’s definition is rigorous, why did Stein fail to perceive the intimate connection with America? Stein could not maintain the identification of the US according to the memory of her girlhood. On the contrary, her real life is in France, it is not the imagination. Robins regards the people like Stein as the “empirical people” (Robins 2003: 196) in his book. The imagined community is not distinct to them because it is far away from the real life. The imagined community cannot surpass the reality all the time. Thus it can be postulated that the nation bases on a sense of belonging to an imagined community, but it is not a compulsive ideology; the sense of belonging may become vague when the individual lack the interaction with the nation.
Then how to maintain the sense of belonging of the population becomes a pivotal question to the nation. This is the reason why the nation has been aiming at building an intimate relationship with medi...
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Ruigrok, Nel and Atteveldt, Wouter van, Global Angling with a Local Angle: How U.S., British, and Dutch Newspapers Frame Global and Local Terrorist Attacks , the Harvard International Journal of Press, Politics 2007, volume:12.
Robins, Kevin, Beyond Imagined Community? Transnational media and Turkish Immigrants in Europe, Media in a Globalized Society, Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2003.
Stein, Gertrude, Paris, France, New York: liver light, 1970.
Volkmer, I, Journalism and Political Crises: In Journalism after September 11, London, New York: Routledge, 2002.
Watson, Hugh Seton, Nations and states: an enquiry into the origins of nations and the politics and nationalism, Methuen young books, 1977.
Zakaria, Fareed, How to invest jobs for America, November 1, 2010.
(http://edition.cnn.com/2010/OPINION/10/29/zakaria.create.jobs/index.html?iref=allsearch)
Davidson, J. W., Delay, B., et al. (2005). Nation of nations: a narrative history of the American Republic (6th ed., Vol. 2). Boston: McGraw Hill.
In Partisan Journalism, A History of Media Bias in the United States, Jim A. Kuypers steers his audience on a journey from beginning to the end of American journalistic history, putting emphasis on the militaristic ideas of objectivity and partisanship. Kuypers confirm how the American journalistic tradition cultivated as a partisan root and, with only a short time for the objectivity in between, and then go back to those roots in which are today.
The media has been a part of the daily life of the American people for the longest time, because of this fact, the media influences the decisions and views of how people should live. One big part of the media that tends to start to develop a sense of how the day-to-day American should live is Disney. Since kids are the main source of Disney’s billion dollar industry children have become an important dimension of the social theory (Giroux 1999: 65). “Within this context, television emerges as a consumer-oriented medium that reflects advertisers’ desire to reach a young, upscale, and primarily White audience” (Goodale1999; Henderson and Baldasty 2003: 100). As a result other races and ethnic groups other than white Americans are often put aside when it comes to the social media view of how Americans should live.
The issue of the relationship between the mass media and the popular culture has always been a controversial issue in social sciences. The political economists insist on the role of the media industry in the creation of this phenomenon of the twentieth century. Though, advocates such as John Fiske, argue that popular culture is actually the creation of the populous itself, and is independent of the capitalist production process of the communication sector. Basing his argument on the immense interpretive power of the people, Fiske believes that the audience is able to break all the indented meanings within a media message. He also believes- by giving new meanings to that specific message they can oppose the power block that is trying to impose its ideology to the public. Consequently, this anarchistic activity of the audience creates the popular culture as a defence mechanism. Even when we accept Fiske’s ideas, we can not disregard the manipulative power of the media and its effects on cultural and social life.
Kamla Pande (2009) explored a number of attacks in this research study. However, Pande primarily focused on the attack of the city of Mumbai in India, in November of 2008 (p.5), and the attack on the United States in New York on September 11, 2001 (p. 7). The Mumbai attack occurred on November 26, 2008 and is described as a well-coordinated attack by armed attackers with the use of semi-automatic weapons, grenades and bombs. The attack lasted three days where the attackers opened fire on several businesses and a Jewish cultural center. Over 170 people were killed. In New York, on September 11, 2001, terrorists associated with al-Qaeda, hi-jacked four airplanes, two of which were flown into the World Trade Center. Over 3,000 people were killed during the attack. Pande, then, explored the prevailing research as to the types of media communication frames with regards to reporting terroristic attacks which included “international order” (describing terrorism as organized crime against a global society with a secondary emphasis on religion and politics) and “clash of civilizations” (describing terrorism in the context of hostility between different civilization)(p. 9).
Media has had many changes in the past years. Growing up I remember my mom saying that we were lucky to have color televisions now. She would say that when she was younger she would have to hear her stories and games over the radio because back then there was no televisions. Another way of getting entertained was reading stories. The newspaper and the radio was the only way of getting news back then. I thought it was funny when my mom told me that since they were one of the few families that had a television in the neighborhood, she would charge the kids 10 cents to watch television in her house. This was actually a pretty smart thing to do.
One of the most seemingly logical methods to help the "international" attitude towards globalization and the media is to let every culture have the opportunity to subjectively represent their cultures and means of technological support. Cultural globalization includes the domineering dimension of the media. All the ideologies of the writers and researchers discussed in the paper seem to unanimously agree that while cultural globalization has its pros, there are most definitely cons on the other side.
The articles also frequently make use of outside sources from political leaders. Theresa May, the British Prime minister, is quoted in several of the articles giving her thoughts on the situation, and is echoed by United States President Donald Trump, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, among others. The inclusion of comments from leaders outside the United Kingdom pushes the overall largeness of the attack, and gives the perspective of leaders. Furthermore, it gives an underlying implication of potential changes politically in the future to stop future attacks. It’s worth noting that there is also a structural bias here, the inclusion of outside leaders, particularly the American President, is undoubtedly influenced by the audience the
Terrorism and the Media . (2008, July 23). Transnational Terrorism, Security & the Rule of Law. Retrieved February 28, 2014, from https://canton.sln.suny.edu/AngelUploads/Content/201402-CAN-JUST-375-0W1/_assoc/2DFCEDA2E5D74D41AF54078C9174402C/Terrorism_and_the_Mass_Media.pdf
The first is the crisis of viability. The chance of success in the journalism in the mainstream is approaching a decline due to the transformations in technologies and new access to multiple sources of information. The second is a crisis in civic adequacy. The contributions of journalism to citizenship and democracy have begun to shift and this shift has caused a question of the relevancy of journalism to democratic processes. In a democratic society journalism plays the role of the government watchdog. The effectiveness of society’s watchdog is now being challenged and in turn alternating the structure of the current democratic society. Many critical theorists of the press during the beginning of the 20th century were concerned with finding appropriate forms of public regulation of the press and journalism to ensure that journalists are writing “news and information about public affairs which sustains and nurtures citizen information, understanding and engagement and thereby a democratic polity” (Cushion and Franklin, 2015: 75) (Dahlgren, Splichal 2016). Journalism is a political entity that influences and informs the public. It is meant to work as a source of public information that helps and does not hinder the general public specifically in political processes. The article
Stuart Hall, “Cultural Studies: Two Paradigms” from Media, Culture and Society, Raymond Williams and E.P Thompson summarize about the way they saw culture, they refer it to the way of life and saw mass media as the main role in capitalist society. Williams’s perspective, his ideas was referred to culture as to social practice, he saw “culture as a whole way of life” and as to structuralism that makes the concept of the “structure of feeling“(Stuart Hall, “Cultural Studies: Two Paradigms” 1980). William was influenced in the seventy by Gramsci’s but, Williams became familiarly with Gramsci dominate and at the end of the 1970’s hegemony became the central concept of cultural studies. Thompson main idea was cultural focus, but mostly on social
As Americans we take pride in our liberating government. But, it is essential to ask how much we, the general public, know about our democracy. Because of the representative structure of our government, it is in our best interest to remain as knowledgeable as possible about political affairs so that we can play an active role in our democracy by voting for candidates and issues. The media, which includes print, television, and the internet, is our primary link to political events and issues. (For the purposes of this essay only print and television will be considered.) Therefore, in order to assess the success of our democracy it is necessary to assess the soundness of our media. We are lucky enough to have a media, in theory, free from government influences because of our rights to freedom of press and freedom of speech, but we are still subject to the media’s interpretation and presentation of politics, as is the danger when depending on any source for information. So, we must address how the media informs us; how successful it is at doing so; and how we should respond to it.
In this era of globalization, news reporting is no longer just a means of communications, but it has also developed into a tool for change. Prominent journalists like Julian Assange, Nick Davies, Sir Charles Wheeler and many more has changed the landscape and outcomes of information, war and news reporting itself. But Martin Bell has challenged the fundamentals of journalism that is to be balanced and impartial with what he calls ‘Journalism of Attachment’. He even coined the phrase, ‘bystanders’ journalism’ for continuing the tradition of being distant and detached (Bell 1997), which he criticizes “for focusing with the circumstances of violence, such as military formations, weapons, strategies, maneuvers and tactics” (Gilboa 2009, p. 99). Therefore it is the aim of this essay to explain whether it is ethical for reporters to practice what Martin Bell calls the Journalism of Attachment by evaluating its major points and its counterarguments, and assessing other notions of journalism such as peace journalism.
Media is an important source of information for most people that describes and interpret the events of public life (Callaghan and Schnell 2005). Misrepresentation of events and bias of the media can have major influence on the public perception of an issue and even influence (inter) national assistance and aid (Garner 1996; Entman 2004; Tierney et al. 2006; Kolmer and Semetko 2009).It has been argued that objectivity is difficult because for example: training, upbringing, cultural orientation tend to influence how people report and analyse events (Severin and Tankard 2001). The importance of the role of media in times of war, political conflict, crisis and disaster events has been the subject of many different studies (Garner 1996; Entman 2003; Entman 2004; Alozie 2005; Tierney et al. 2006; Kolmer and Semetko 2009; Lewis and Reese 2009). According to Hesselink et al. (2007), to have an agency’s messages reach the general public, the agency has to build a sound relationship with the media. The press is thus an important channel to reach decision-makers and opinion leaders (GreenCom, 2001).
The Mass Media has had a greater in influence on modern culture than either education or history.