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A realist approach to international relations
Realist and liberal approaches to international relation
Realist and liberal approaches to international relation
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International Relations Perspectives
Realist Perspective
The basis for the realist perspective focuses on the struggle for power; and, proposes that this is the central cause of events in international affairs. This perspective “sees the world largely in terms of a struggle for power in which strong actors seek to dominate weak ones and weak actors resist strong ones to preserve their interests and independence…There is no overarching or universal center of power in the world that is recognized by all actors as legitimate…[It} emphasizes power: human nature at the individual level, aggressive states at the domestic level, leaders pursuing domestic and international power at the foreign policy level, and the balance of power at the systemic level” (Nau, 2012, p. 6 & 10). Realism began to gain momentum in domestic politics during the 15th and 16th century; and, it served as the predominant interpretation of the causes and effects surrounding war, with little to no opposition.
The dominance of this perspective peaked during the Cold War (1947-1991) when the world superpowers of the U.S. and U.S.S.R. entered into an intense power struggle, the core of realism. Other world events such as the Truman Doctrine, Marshal Plan, Vietnam War, Cuban Missile Crisis, Korean War, and the Afghan War all “purely served the realist paradigm’s fundamental postulates” (Amin, Naseer & Ishtiaq, 2011, p. 2). By the end of the Cold War, there was a notable shift in the realm of international relations theory away from realism because a shift in world order had occurred. The U.S. had emerged as the leader in economics, technology and politics.
Because anarchy in the international arena of states, due to the absence of a central authority over all, relatio...
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...11). Realism - dominating theory in international relations: An analysis. Berkeley Journal of Social Sciences, 1(7). Retrieved from http://www.berkeleyjournalofsocialsciences.com/July1.pdf
Herring, E. (2008). Critical terrorism studies: An activist scholar perspective. Unpublished manuscript, School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies, University of Bristol, Bristol, U.K. Retrieved from http://www.bristol.ac.uk/spais/research/workingpapers/ wpspaisfiles/herring0308.pdf Krishnaswamy, J. (2012). How does terrorism lend itself to constructivist understanding?
Unpublished manuscript, Kings College London, London, England. Retrieved from http://www.e-ir.info/2012/09/18/how-does-terrorism-lend-itself-to-constructivist- understanding/
Nau, H. R. (2012). Perspectives on international relations: Power institutions ideas. (3rd ed.).
Washington, DC: CQ Press.
Odd Arne Westad, Director of the Cold War Studies Centre at the London School of Economics and Political Science, explains how the Cold War “shaped the world we live in today — its politics, economics, and military affairs“ (Westad, The Global Cold War, 1). Furthermore, Westad continues, “ the globalization of the Cold War during the last century created foundations” for most of the historic conflicts we see today. The Cold War, asserts Westad, centers on how the Third World policies of the two twentieth-century superpowers — the United States and the Soviet Union — escalates to antipathy and conflict that in the end helped oust one world power while challenging the other. This supplies a universal understanding on the Cold War (Westad, The Global Cold War, 1). After World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union opposed each other over the expansion of their power.
Jones, L. and D, E. 2007. Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare. [online] Available at: EBSCOhost [Accessed: 20 Nov 2013].
(1993), The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, Volume Four, America in the Age of Soviet Power, 1945 – 1991, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press · Froman, M.B. (1991) The Development of the Détente, Coming to Terms, London, Macmillan Academic and Professional LTD · Kent, J. and Young, J.W. (2004) International Relations Since 1945, Oxford, Oxford University Press · www.oed.com (Oxford English Dictionary online)
What neorealism believes is fear and distrust originated from the anarchy of international system, resulting in the pursuit of power for survival. As stated by Mearsheimer (2010), power is the currency of international politics. The statement addressed a simple but important question: “why do states want power?” While “human nature” is always claimed by the classical realism, the neorealists, or the structural realists such as Mearsheimer specified the structure or architecture of the international system which forces states to pursue power. All states desire sufficient power to protect th...
The realism that will be the focus of this paper is that of Kenneth Waltz. Kenneth Waltz presents his theory of realism, within an international system, by offering his central myth that, “Anarchy is the permissive cause of war”. Kenneth Waltz’s central myth helps answer the question as to why war happens in the first place. During the cold war, there was a heightened sense of insecurity between Russia and the United States due to presence of nuclear weapons. The Movie Dr. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb used cold war tension between the two countries to tell the story of a general who went crazy and decided to unleash his fleet of nuclear bombers onto Russian military bases.
The prominent scholar of Political Science, Kenneth N. Waltz, founder of neorealism, has proposed controversial realist theories in his work. Publications such as "Man, the State, and War: A Theoretical Analysis", "Theory of International Politics” and “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: A Debate,” demonstrate how Waltz's approach was motivated by the American military power. In acquaintance of this fact, the purpose of this paper is to critically analyze Waltz theoretical argument from the journal "Structural Realism after the Cold War". Firstly, this paper will indicate the author's thesis and the arguments supporting it. Secondly, limitations found in theoretical arguments will be illustrated and thirdly, synergies between the author's thesis and this analysis will be exposed.
To understand the international relations of contemporary society and how and why historically states has acted in such a way in regarding international relations, the scholars developed numerous theories. Among these numerous theories, the two theories that are considered as mainstream are liberalism and realism because the most actors in stage of international relations are favouring either theories as a framework and these theories explains why the most actors are taking such actions regarding foreign politics. The realism was theorized in earlier writings by numerous historical figures, however it didn't become main approach to understand international relations until it replaced idealist approach following the Great Debate and the outbreak of Second World War. Not all realists agrees on the issues and ways to interpret international relations and realism is divided into several types. As realism became the dominant theory, idealistic approach to understand international relations quickly sparked out with failure of the League of Nation, however idealism helped draw another theory to understand international relations. The liberalism is the historical alternative to the realism and like realism, liberalism has numerous branches of thoughts such as neo-liberalism and institutional liberalism. This essay will compare and contrast the two major international relations theories known as realism and liberalism and its branches of thoughts and argue in favour for one of the two theories.
Classical realism originates from the ancient times of the Greek empires. This theory in international relations has dominated the sphere and the conception of world politics for centuries. Classical realists such as Morgenthau and Thucydides outline different factors in explaining politics at all levels and emphasize that politics is described throughout the theory of classical realism. Like every theory in international relations, classical realism has strengths and weaknesses that define its impact in the international level. In our current age of diplomacy, classical realism is not a common theory in current international politics. Although it is not as relevant as it has been in the past, there is potential for classical
Although realism presents a solid framework for international political structure, constructivism fills in the gaps that realism fails to address or ignores. That being said, constructivism is still not the perfect theory as it still debated and contrasted against many other critical theories. Realism presents a solid framework for the international system. However there are some gaps in it structure that it does not recognize or fails to explain. Constructivism tries to fill in these gaps. Although constructivism is good at examining problems of other theories it does not present a solid framework on its own. It relies on theories such as realism to present this framework so it can criticize it. Together realism and constructivism provide a solid framework and allows the ability to explain its shortcomings.
The Cuban Missile Crisis exhibits the struggle for power between the two dominant powers of the time. The realist theory believes that world politics is a repetitive struggle for power and or influence. Power, in politics is largely perceived as influence and military capability. Power in mass amounts are located in objects such as nuclear missiles that have an immense influence on others. (Schmidt, 2007; Sterling-Folker & Shinko, 2007). This is clearly depicted through the actions taken by both leaders, as the simple placement of a missile had such a tremendous effect.
People’s ideas and assumptions about world politics shape and construct the theories that help explain world conflicts and events. These assumptions can be classified into various known theoretical perspectives; the most dominant is political realism. Political realism is the most common theoretical approach when it is in means of foreign policy and international issues. It is known as “realpolitik” and emphasis that the most important actor in global politics is the state, which pursues self-interests, security, and growing power (Ray and Kaarbo 3). Realists generally suggest that interstate cooperation is severely limited by each state’s need to guarantee its own security in a global condition of anarchy. Political realist view international politics as a struggle for power dominated by organized violence, “All history shows that nations active in international politics are continuously preparing for, actively involved in, or recovering from organized violence in the form of war” (Kegley 94). The downside of the political realist perspective is that their emphasis on power and self-interest is their skepticism regarding the relevance of ethical norms to relations among states.
Realism is one of the oldest and most popular theories in International Relations. It offers a perspective about competition and power, and can be used to explain the actions between states. An example of realism is the U.S. reaction – or lack thereof – during the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
Despite the international system being anarchical, it is not in a state of total chaos due to a number of significant factors such as those above. It is obvious that the current international system is highly influenced by many significant factors and some are more prominent than others. With the continued existence of international anarchy it is up to the States and the International Organisations to continue to make the decisions that are in their own best interest and to maintain order and an ever-improving way of life.
...reted without reference to domestic politics or leadership. Realists argue that the interests of states transcend domestic politics and leadership change because that the broad orientation of foreign and defense policies are unchanging. Although the realist model may be most appropriate for analyzing actions when vital interests are at stake such as in times of crises, it seems to have little explanatory power for national security policy making in times without crisis.
Many argue that Realism or Neorealism explains the war most efficiently, however Constructivists claim that Realism’s disregard of the missing link between nation and state, identity and sovereignty, and statesmen and the international system shows that Realism is incapable of explaining the causes of the Six Day War (Wendt). Although both Realism and Constructivism explain most of the causes of Middle Eastern conflict, I argue that studying the Six Day War from a Neoclassical Realist viewpoint provides a more thorough working analysis because it clarifies aspects of the conflict included in all three levels of analysis to explain the motives, rationale, and behavior of the states and individuals involved. Neoclassical Realism provides the most thorough explanation of the conflict through its inclusion of relative power, state capacity and intentions, domestic politics, and, most importantly, the ability of state leaders to perceive the capabilities, intentions, and relative power of states in an effort to explain foreign policy