III: Forces Allowing for Province-Building to Occur There are a multitude of reasons that enabled this concept of province-building to occur, the first being the creation of a federalist state in 1867. Prime Minister MacDonald at the time of Confederation referenced the current structure of the American political system as means of what not to do; giving states ultimate power through decentralization (Scott, 1951). Thus, it is clear that MacDonald desired a centralized government with a national identity and not multiple regional identities. The enactment of Section 92 within the BNA Act of 1867 has resulted in provinces being entitled to certain powers and with the need to fuel the regional interests embedded within these provinces created …show more content…
The welfare state and creation of social programs such as health care, resulted in the transferring of funds from the federal government to the provincial governments in order to sustain provincial services (Young, Blais & Faucher, 1984). These transfers have elicited the demand for grants and has given provinces power within taxation spending; a responsibility given to the federal government through the pragmatism of the Constitution by means of federal spending powers (Watts, 1999). This power to demand funds has severe repercussions in terms of conflict between the federal and provincial government; ten provincial legislatures fighting one national legislature. Thus, the more power over policy and socioeconomic interests that provinces have regarding their economies and region it allows for their ability to shape themselves and articulate as well as enhance their interests towards Ottawa. Through this, it becomes evident that the providing of social services to everyone in Canada on the basis of equality of opportunity, and equality of distribution has resulted in provinces using this to their own advantage to enhance the building of their …show more content…
The most significant example of a region employing their interests resulting in a clash between provincial and national identities is Quebec Nationalism and the desire for Sovereignty. Since Confederation, Quebec has deemed itself different than the other provinces, which is why the Fathers of Confederation, mainly George-Étienne Cartier, claimed that matters relating to: marriage, education, private property and religion should be dealt with within provinces and not be set as a national standard (Scott, 1951). This was the foundation towards giving Quebec the tools towards separating themselves from Canada; the granting of special status. In the 1960s under a Liberal government, Quebec took towards a “Quiet Revolution,” which resulted in the modernization of Quebec and the assuming of control over the education system from the Catholic Church and social programs (Cuccioletta & Lubin, 2003). This Quiet Revolution took towards the expansion of the provincial state and thus created a professional class of elites that held the same view towards Quebec nationalism and would aid in the expansion of the province both economically and politically (Meadwell, 1993). Furthermore, under Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and the desire to get Quebec to sign the Constitution; acting as a symbolic gesture, he proposed the Meech Lake Accord in 1987 (Clarke & Kornberg, 1996). Under
The Meech Lake Accord refers to the agreement that was attained in 1987 at Meech Lake in Quebec at a Canadian federal-provincial conference. The purpose of this agreement was to induce Quebec to accept the Canadian Constitution by signing the Constitution Act of 1982 and in return, the ten Canadian provinces were to accept its five conditions (Brooks 152).
Although, Quebec’s population share many similar characteristics amongst one another it is not essential to decide “the people” (Heard, 2013). To be considered a state you must represent all the people in it. Quebec prefers independences for the reason of a commonality
...portunities for service provisions. The structural reforms cut the number of municipalities in half and implemented larger, single-tiered municipalities. The legislative reforms allowed for municipalities to have autonomy away from provincial control. After assessing the previously mentioned reforms, this paper determines that it is crucial to evaluate the behavior tendencies of the municipalities and the province when measuring the impact of these changes. For a long period of time, and arguably still to this day, municipalities have viewed themselves as creatures of the province. Further, the province of Ontario has taken a paternal and protective role over the municipalities (Graham and Phillips 179-209). In conclusion, even with financial, functional, structural and legislative reforms, these roles of the municipalities and province will not be changing quickly.
Dougherty, Kevin. "Marois Ready to Use Notwithstanding Clause to Protect Charter." www.montrealgazette.com. Montreal Gazette. 31 Mar. 2014. Web. 02 Apr. 2014.
The Quebec referendum that was held in 1995 was a second round of vote that was meant to give the residents of the Quebec province in Canada the chance to determine whether they wanted to secede from Canada and thus establish Quebec as a sovereign state. Quebec has had a long history of wanting to secede from Canada, considering that it is the Canadian providence that is predominantly inhabited by the French-speaking people, whose political relationship with the rest of the Canadian provinces, mostly inhabited by the English-speaking people has been characterized by conflicting ideologies . Thus, the 1995 referendum was not the first political attempt to have Quebec gain its own independence. The discussion holds that the Quebec 1995 referendum would have had both positive and negative implications. Therefore, this discussion seeks to analyze the political consequences that would have f...
Pierre Elliot Trudeau Published in 1968, Federalism and the French Canadians is an ideological anthology featuring a series of essays written by Pierre Elliot Trudeau during his time spent with the Federal Liberal party of Canada. The emphasis of the book deals with the problems and conflicts facing the country during the Duplessis regime in Quebec. While Trudeau stresses his adamant convictions on Anglophone/Francophone relations and struggles for equality in a confederated land, he also elaborates on his own ideological views pertaining to Federalism and Nationalism. The reader is introduced to several essays that discuss Provincial legislature and conflict (Quebec and the Constitutional Problem, A Constitutional Declaration of Rights) while other compositions deal with impending and contemporary Federal predicaments (Federal Grants to Universities, The Practice and Theory of Federalism, Separatist Counter-Revolutionaries). Throughout all these documented personal accounts and critiques, the reader learns that Trudeau is a sharp critic of contemporary Quebec nationalism and that his prime political conviction (or thesis) is sporadically reflected in each essay: Federalism is the only possible system of government that breeds and sustains equality in a multicultural country such as Canada.
Stevenson, Garth. "Federalism and Intergovernmental Relations." Canadian Politics in the 21st Century. Ed. Michael S. Whittington and Glen Williams. Scarborough, Ont.: Nelson Thomson Learning, 2000. 85-1
... A successful strategy in the accommodation of national minorities within a liberal democracy could be founded upon mutual trust, recognition and sound financial arrangements. However, a certain degree of tension between central and regional institutions may remain as a constant threat in this complex relationship since they entertain opposing aims. The federal governments determination to protect its territorial integrity, and its will to foster a single national identity among its citizens clashes with Quebec’s wish to be recognized as a separate nation and decide upon its political destiny and to foster its distinct identity (Guibernau pg.72). Moreover, if the ROC and the federal government can come to an agreement on terms that satisfy the majority and an identity that encompasses the heart of a country; Canada will continue to exist with or without Quebec.
Chapter 1: Regions of Canada describe regionalism and how it divides countries, specifically Canada, naturally into six regions: British Columbia, Western Canada, Territorial North, Ontario, Quebec, and Atlantic Canada. These regions have been divided in a manner that correlates ‘like spaces’ in regards to human and physical geography (Bone, p.6) along with Canada’s historical development. The second key feature of chapter 1 describes Canada’s faultlines and they’re affects on Canada’s regional divide. There are four faultlines within Canada that reciprocate tensions that are mostly solved by being “soft” through negotiation and discussion (according to John Ralston Saul, Bone, p. 10). Bone places a great focus on these faultlines, which include: centralist/decentralist, Aboriginal/Non-Aboriginal, French/English Canadians, and newcomer/old-timer. “Canada’s heterogeneous nature often forms the basis of regional quarrels” (Bone, p. 11) particularly for the centralist/decentralist faultline. English/French speaking Canadians focus on Quebec and sovereignty, while the Aboriginal/Non-Aboriginal faultline deals with land claims, settlement and colonized peoples. Newcomers/old-timers refer to immigrants and settlers of Canada. The core/periphery model is a key concept that is commonly referred to throughout the text. It depicts the core as concentrations of power/wealth/population, with the periphery/hinterland as the weakly developed, resource based area.
Canada is known by outsiders to be a very peaceful country. But if you ask any Canadian they well tell you that is unfortunately not the case. For there is a large ongoing conflict between Canadians. The conflict is between the French and the English, or more specifically between Quebec and the rest of Canada. As a result of this conflict, along with some wrongdoing and propaganda. Quebec has considered and has gone as far to hold referendums over Separatism (Surette,2014). Separatism is that the province of Quebec separates from the rest of Canada to form its own country. Which would have immense effects on indubitably Quebec but also the rest of Canada (Martin, 2014). This report will focus on the root causes and origin of Quebec Separatism, the current state of Quebec Separatism and finally how we as a society can act towards Quebec Separatism.
The Prime Minister of Canada is given much power and much responsibility. This could potentially create a dangerous situation if the government held a majority and was able to pass any legislation, luckily this is not the case. This paper will argue that there are many limitations, which the power of the prime minister is subject too. Three of the main limitations, which the Prime Minister is affected by, are; first, federalism, second the governor general and third, the charter of rights and freedoms. I will support this argument by analyzing two different types of federalism and how they impact the power of the Prime Minister. Next I will look at three of the Governor Generals Powers and further analyze one of them. Last I will look at the impact of the charter from the larger participation the public can have in government, and how it increased the power of the courts.
This paper will prove how regionalism is a prominent feature of Canadian life, and affects the legislative institutions, especially the Senate, electoral system, and party system as well as the agendas of the political parties the most. This paper will examine the influence of regionalism on Canada’s legislative institutions and agendas of political part...
In this paper, I plan to take a deeper look at this situation and try to figure out what it would actually be like if Quebec was its own country. & nbsp ; & nbsp ; & nbsp ; & nbsp ; & nbs The premier of Quebec, Lucien Bouchard, has been attempting to separate from Canada for quite sometime. If he had it his way, this topic would be old news by now. His main problem is the Federalist, English speaking citizens of his province. They have been very vocal on their stance to stay apart of Canada. They have sent around several resolutions stating this.
government, t. p. (n.d.). Quebec Nationalism - Quebec History. Faculty.marianopolis.edu. Retrieved May 27, 2012, from http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/quebechistory/events/natpart4.htm
The year 1907 marked the beginning of treaty making in Canada. The British Crown claims to negotiate treaties in pursuance of peaceful relations between Aboriginal peoples and non-Aboriginals (Canada, p. 3, 2011). Treaties started as agreements for peace and military purposes but later transformed into land entitlements (Egan, 2012, p. 400). The Royal Proclamation of 1763, which recognizes Indian sovereignty and its entitlement to land, became the benchmark for treaty making in Canada (Epp, 2008, p. 133; Isaac & Annis, p. 47, 48; Leeson, 2008, p. 226). There are currently 70 recognized treaties in Canada, encompassing 50 percent of Canadian land mass and representing over 600,000 First Nations people (Canada, 2013). These treaties usually have monetary provisions along with some financial benefits given by the Crown, in exchange for lands and its resources (Egan, 2012, p. 409). Its purpose should be an equal sharing of wealth that is beneficial for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginals (Egan, 2012, p. 414).