Modern Canada has been subject to several different issues that have raised a number of troublesome and difficult circumstances, though one of the most notable being the 1980 and 1995 Referendums in Quebec. The province has provided its residence, and the larger national population, with a great source of conversation and controversy. The Parti Quécécois introduced both referendums, although the party was under different leadership: Réne Lévesque in 1980 and Jaques Parizeau in 1995. Both were strongly in favor of the provinces secession from Canada. For the citizens and politicians of Quebec during both Referendums, the results speak volumes about voter turnout and the true support for the potential movement – which looked to achieve provincial sovereignty. This paper will explore the strategic wording of each question and the sentiments that surrounded the goings-on around each individual referendum.
There has been a disjuncture between English and French speaking people in Canada since before the country was even established. It has been most notably seen within the federal and provincial relationship in Quebec. The interest Quebec has had to get out of their link to the rest of Canada has been most noted in modern day through the first referendum in 1980. It brought the question of political sovereignty to the forefront of national conversation – “it would decide Quebec’s, [and Canada’s] ¬– future.” The question for the people of Quebec was as follows:
The Government of Quebec has made public its proposal to negotiate a new agreement with the rest of Canada, based on the equality of nations; this agreement would enable Quebec to acquire the exclusive power to make its laws, levy its taxes and establish relations abroad — in ...
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... and understood. This paper looked at the strategic wording of each question and the sentiments that surrounded the goings-on around each individual referendum. The questions themselves were outlined and coated with deep-rooted sentiments of separation on behalf of the PQ. The referendum results illuminate the realities inside the provinces boarder in a very basic way, as it was evident that a solidified division existed. If the results of the 1980 vote were note example enough, the second made the division evident. There were two very different pictures of Quebec in the minds of its citizens, and likely this division still exists today. Although the possibility of a third referendum can not be known for certain, if the last two have been any indication of the future, there is a mix of both Quebec Nationalists and French Federalists living together in the province.
The Meech Lake accord was a set of constitutional amendments that were designed to persuade Quebec Province to accept the Canadian Constitution Act of 1982 (Brooks 152). This accord derives its name from the Meech Lake, where these negotiations were held by Mulroney Brian, the Canadian Prime Minister, and the ten premiers of the ten Canadian Provinces (Brooks 211). By the time the Canadian constitution was being implemented, Quebec was the only province that had not consented to it. Somehow, the partition of the constitution in 1982 was carried out without Quebec’s agreement, but it was still bound by the same law. Attempts were made to persuade this province to sign the constitution, which it agreed to do but only after its five demands are fulfilled by the Canadian government. Unfortunately, these demands were not met and this accord failed in 1990, when two provincial premiers failed to approve it. This paper answers the question whether Quebec asked for too much during the Meech Lake Accord negotiations.
Although, Quebec’s population share many similar characteristics amongst one another it is not essential to decide “the people” (Heard, 2013). To be considered a state you must represent all the people in it. Quebec prefers independences for the reason of a commonality
CBC-Digital. "CBC Digital Archives - Separation Anxiety: The 1995 Quebec Referendum - Separation Anxiety: The 1995 Quebec Referendum." CBCnews. CBC/Radio Canada, 06 Mar. 2014. Web. 02 Apr. 2014
Many Francophones believed that they were being discriminated and treated unfairly due to the British North American Act which failed to recognize the unique nature of the province in its list of provisions. Trudeau, with the aid of several colleagues, fought the imminent wave of social chaos in Quebec with anti-clerical and communist visions he obtained while in his adolescent years. However, as the nationalist movement gained momentum against the Provincial government, Trudeau came to the startling realization that Provincial autonomy would not solidify Quebec's future in the country (he believed that separatism would soon follow) and unless Duplessis could successfully negotiate (on the issue of a constitution) with the rest of Canada, the prospect of self-sovereignty for Quebec would transpire. His first essay (Quebec and the Constitutional Problem) explores
Stevenson, Garth. "Canadian Federalism: The Myth of the Status Quo." Reinventing Canada: Politics of the 21st Century. Ed. M. Janine Brodie and Linda Trimble. Toronto: Prentice Hall, 2003. 204-14. Print.
Quebec has struggled with a need to be maitres chez nous “masters of their own house” (Young, 1998). Many attempts at resolving Quebec's issues has resulted in tensions from both sides. Because Quebec has a strong national identity, and do not define themselves as strictly Canadian, Quebec is seen as difficult, unyielding and discontented. Quebec's separation perhaps is inedible and the future of Canada questionable. Canada without Quebec will bring about many complications and whether there is a rest of Canada (ROC) after Quebec a major challenge. Western alienation and the lack of representation in federal affairs will be a factor; moreover, past actions and historical events may have turned Canada into a time bomb, and the deterioration of the provinces the only sulotion. How First Ministers react to Quebec's sovereignty regarding economic factors, political structure, and constitutional issues will be of great importance. Whether emotional issues will play a major role in decision making is subjective; however, it is fair to say that it will be an emotionally charged event and it could either tear apart the ROC or fuse it together. Placing emphasis on investigating what keeps Canada together is perhaps the key to Canada's future, and salvaging a relationship with Quebec.
Quebec has considered and has gone as far to hold referendums over Separatism (Surette,2014). Separatism is when the province of Quebec separates from the rest of Canada to form its own country. Which would have immense effects on Quebec but also the rest of Canada (Martin, 2014). This report will focus on the root causes and origins of Quebec Separatism, the current state of Quebec Separatism and finally how we as a society can act towards Quebec Separatism. Root Causes and Origin
Frist, federalism is the division of power between the provinces and the federal government (Cutler 2010, 3). As well, Federal systems tend to be made up of multiple parts, which do not necessarily work together (Brock 2008, 3). There has been an increase on the study of federalism in recent years, which has created a more in-depth look at how federalism impacts the government. (Farfard Rocher 2009, 294). There are two aspects of federalism and both of them put limitations on the influence of the prime minister. The first is called political asymmetry; this encompasses the various attitudes of the different provinces such as the culture, economic, social and political conditions and how it shapes the relationship between the provincial and federal governments (Brock 2008, 4). This can create a problem for the federal government because it means that they may ha...
Regionalism is a growing concern for Canadians` as it affects economic stability, nationalism and western alienation. The economic stability is reliant on the regions having strong economic bases (Stilborn, 19). Nationalism with Quebec is a prime example of how distinct regional cultures hinder Canada’s unity, as they want to separate from Canada, while still having the federal Canadian government financially support them. Western Alienation is also a prime political culture that is regionally distinct.
...n neutral and inform citizens of the current news. Yet, in their own way, they understood that Quebec was entering the same path as the rest of Canada and adapting to change.
Canada is an example of a nation with the question of a country wide unification among all its citizens on the table since the time of confederation in 1867 and even a few years prior. What some these factors that make Canada different from areas around it? How can a country that dominates such large land mass and that bares such vast cultural differences, be united? Can Canadians ever come to agreement upon the values they hold to be important? The debates of these questions continue to plague Canadian parliaments, especially when examining the differences between Canada and the province Quebec. Even though many argue and hope for Canada’s unity in the future, the differences in political socialization and culture present throughout the country creates a blurry vision of Canadian harmony and makes it extremely difficult to realistically vision Canadian unification. Is that, however, a bad thing?
There was a notable divide between Canada’s French and English-speaking population in the 1960s, as they each presented contrasting views of the country’s national identity. As the federal government faced what seemed like two separate nations embodied within a single country, Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson assembled the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism in July 1963. It was to evaluate the existing state of bilingualism and biculturalism and recommend the actions needed to alleviate the largely linguistic and cultural divides in Canada. Pearson’s directive was given at a time when Quebec was experiencing a period of great social and economic development through the Quiet Revolution, while English-Canada was grappling with the re-establishment of the country’s identity as the British definition of Canada was becoming increasingly rejected. This paper will assess bilingualism and biculturalism as it challenged national identity, seen through the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (RCBB) and the influence of the Quiet Revolution; which resulted in policy – the Official Languages Act in 1969 and the Official Multicultural Policy in 1971 – that ultimately shaped bilingualism and biculturalism within what became a multicultural framework in Canada.
...ereignty. As mentioned Quebec does not have complete sovereignty and it shares its powers with the federal government (Johnson). Strong words like Johnson's found in the mass media are very significant to issues such as this. As elected representatives the government will not act against the wishes of the majority of citizens. Therefore if the Canadian citizens claim that Native Sovereignty in Canada can not coexist with Canadian sovereignty than it will not.
The resurgence of civil unrest in Quebec once again calling for Quebec sovereignty poses a serious threat to civilised and democratic society. Regardless the validity of the claim for Quebec’s sovereignty the acts of rioting, violence and vandalism are disgraceful reflection on the movement and the acts hurt the integrity and legitimacy of their claims. The General Directorate for Internal Security is concerned that the civil unrest will harm the reputation of French persons.
First came the signing of the Canada-Quebec immigration agreement in 1991 which not only included an exclusive funding formula, but also allowed for the province to have control over its own immigration system. Following the signing of the agreement, the Mulroney government made attempts to negotiate similar deals with other provinces, however due to a lack of funding, none were interested. Ontario especially was concerned about its funding in comparison to Quebec and continued to demand for change until 2005 when the Canada Ontario Immigration Agreement was implemented.